SOUTH LEBANON — The process of handing over Palestinian weapons in Lebanon's camps is set to begin in mid-June, following an agreement reached between Lebanese officials and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas during his recent visit to Beirut.

Reportedly, the disarmament process will begin in the Beirut camps, but it is clear that most Palestinian resistance factions, including leaders in the Fatah movement, are not yet ready to give up their weapons.

For nearly a decade, after the Palestinian Authority focused its attention on coordination with the occupation forces, the Fatah movement has witnessed successive divisions that have affected Palestinians both inside Lebanon and outside.

A Fatah figure opposed to the plan confirmed to Tehran Times that it is illogical to hand over weapons without reaching an understanding with the Lebanese authorities regarding the future of the camps on several levels.

The private source confirmed to the Tehran Times that it would have been more appropriate for Abbas to talk about regulating weapons, not handing them over, and to coordinate in advance with other factions, rather than imposing a fait accompli that only serves the interests of the Israeli enemy.

The source did not hide the Palestinian factions’ concern about a pre-planned sedition between the Palestinian factions and the Lebanese Army, as had happened in previous instances, seriously warning that this was inevitably a prelude to settling the refugees in Lebanon.

In his interview with the Tehran Times, the source warned that there were no guarantees that suspects or those paid to do so would not drag the army into a bloodbath inside the camps, just as had previously happened in Nahr al-Bared in northern Lebanon.

President Joseph Aoun had confirmed to Abbas that the army had no intention of entering the camps and did not want to clash with anyone. Instead, another means of resolving the issue should be sought.

In the early 1990s, after the end of the Lebanese civil war, the Palestinian issue entered a new phase. Fatah was no longer the sole faction controlling Palestinian decision-making, especially in light of the rise of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, which were supported by Hezbollah, in addition to the sponsorship of the Lebanese branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Jamaat Islamiya.

The source pointed out that the war is not over yet, and that both the Lebanese and Palestinian resistance fronts have not surrendered, therefore, the Palestinians refuse to be treated as Germany was after World War II.

In light of the Palestinian division, the refugees in the camps suffer from a two-edged dilemma: (1) their unrecognized civil rights in Lebanon; (2) the shaky security situation within their camps.

Since 1948, Christian right-wing forces have deprived the camps of the most basic human rights and services, forcing a large portion of the Palestinian refugees to emigrate to the West. 

Some of the wealthy were able to live outside the camps. Consequently, only the abjectly poor remain victims of misery, unemployment, and sectarian fanaticism fuelled by well-known external parties, for which some of these weapons are used to settle.

In other stages, suspicious pressures were exerted, as some forces exploited the refugee issue, claiming their keenness to recognize their full civil rights and their right to Lebanese citizenship, which is a highly contentious issue in Lebanon.

Undoubtedly, no one in Lebanon wants to disarm the Palestinian camps merely to improve the conditions of the refugees, but rather to fulfill the American-Saudi goals and practically realize the desire of Israel, which plans to annihilate any demographic presence that could threaten its alleged security in the future.

Since the Al-Aqsa Flood Operation, the Israeli colonial entity’s security doctrine has been based on eradicating any minor threat that could grow, even after many years. 

What Israel wants is practically consistent with what Mahmoud Abbas has publicly stated, as he opposes any kind of armed resistance against the occupation, inside and outside Palestine. 

Given this, it is not surprising that Abbas seeks to embroil President Aoun, who shows clear political rationality in approaching sensitive issues, in a battle that will inevitably lead to bloody strife that Lebanon cannot tolerate, the source underscored in his talks with the Tehran Times.

In 1991, a Lebanese committee was formed to negotiate with the Palestinian factions. It was agreed to hand over weapons in exchange for recognizing the civil and human rights of the refugees. Heavy and medium weapons were indeed handed over in the camps of Sidon and Tyre. 

Nevertheless, when the handover process was completed, the committee refused to meet again with Palestinian representatives, and rights were not recognized.

This discouraging experience prompted the Palestinian source to emphasize to Tehran Times that President Aoun must quickly initiate a dialogue with the Joint Palestinian Action Committee in Lebanon (which includes 20 factions) to address all humanitarian, social, political, legal, and security concerns. 

The source warned against burdening the Lebanese state with heavy duties, as UNRWA would be exempted from its obligations toward approximately 400,000 refugees.

Finally, the Palestinian source reiterated his assertion that the Palestinian factions support the regulation of weapons, warning against submitting to malicious American orders, which are only concerned with preserving the interests of the Israeli enemy.