Ettelaat, in a commentary, referred to the highly challenging situation US President Donald Trump is facing and wrote: With a 50% increase in fuel prices in the United States, 62% public dissatisfaction, and the upcoming midterm elections, the US president is confronting the economic and political consequences of the war with Iran and is facing a serious challenge in finding a strong way out.

While Donald Trump has suggested the possibility of reaching an agreement with Iran in the coming days, analysts believe Washington is under unprecedented economic and political pressure to end this war. Analysts argue that Trump is wrestling with a political dilemma: he must end the conflict, but in a way that does not appear as a retreat in the face of Iran’s nuclear program. Meanwhile, as the US midterm elections in November draw closer, analysts say Republicans worry that this war could become a heavy political burden for them.

Shargh: Regional countries recognized Iran’s power

Shargh examined how regional countries view Iran from the beginning of the Ramadan War until now. It wrote: The United States and Israel, as two international and regional powers, began a war with great confidence and without feeling the need to form an international or regional coalition, betting on a decisive and rapid victory. However, the preparations Iran had made for the possibility of such a war defeated the enemy in its objectives, strategy, and even tactics. Regional countries gradually realized that Iran is far more capable than they had assumed, and the confusion shown by the US and Israel revealed that they face serious strategic limitations. Doubts about America’s ability to manage the war have led to a form of hidden and open distrust, raising the question of whether the US can still be considered a reliable security guarantor.

Etemad: Iran’s geo‑economic veto in the world’s most important waterway

Etemad analyzed the strategic importance of the Strait of Hormuz and Iran’s comprehensive control over it at this moment. According to the paper, Iran’s new position should be called a ‘geo‑economic veto’ —not in the sense of permanently closing the strait, which would harm Iran and the entire region, but in the sense that no security, oil, or maritime arrangement in the Persian Gulf can exclude Iran and remain stable. According to Iran’s foreign minister, the Strait of Hormuz is not closed, but safe passage must occur with respect to security considerations and coordination with Iranian authorities. This means Tehran is seeking to transform its military power into an administrative, legal, and security mechanism. However, this is the most sensitive part of the issue: if Iran can turn this wartime emergency situation into an accepted regional framework, it will have achieved a historic accomplishment.

Javan: More lethal than a blow to America; a blow to the petrodollar

At a time when energy crises in Europe and Asia are unfolding at rates far higher than in the United States, focusing solely on the impact of fuel prices on the US economy can be a major strategic mistake. What emerges from analyzing deep geo‑economic linkages shows that the real vulnerability of America’s war machine and financial power does not lie in its domestic gas stations, but in the mechanism of debt financing and the pillars of the petrodollar system. New geopolitical calculations indicate that trying to inflict a direct and symmetrical blow on the United States is a costly strategy with limited returns. In contrast, focusing on disrupting the ‘petrodollar recycling loop’ and attacking the US bond market through an Eastern‑global economic coalition directly targets the critical chokepoint of America’s financial‑military civilization. A war whose costs cannot be hidden through borrowing is a war that is defeated before the first shot is fired.

Resalat: Beijing’s role in post‑war diplomacy

Resalat, in an article about Araghchi’s trip to Beijing, wrote: Effective deterrence in the post‑war period requires a combination of tools: military capability, active diplomacy, and—most importantly—economic interdependence. The Strait of Hormuz can be part of this equation, but it is by no means the whole of it. The future of Iran’s deterrence lies not in closing a chokepoint, but in becoming an ‘indispensable node’ in the global economic and political network—an achievement that will not be possible without deep and strategic cooperation with a power like China. The ceasefire is an opportunity to reassess national power instruments and redefine strategic alliances. In this context, the recent trip of Seyyed Abbas Araghchi to China reflects the reality that Tehran, to navigate post‑war crises, has fully oriented its outlook toward the East and toward China as an emerging global power.