Friends in Need; Iran, India move closer BC: By Jehangir Pocha
On May 18, U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld warned Iran that it would be “dealt with aggressively” if it continued its alleged support of Islamic extremists in Afghanistan and Iraq. A day later in New Delhi, Indian Defense Minister George Fernandes met with Iranian Ambassador Siavosh Yaghoobi and offered to cooperate with Iran in all strategic areas, including defense. Saying that unilateralism posed a great danger to the world, Fernandes affirmed India’s commitment to a strategic and military partnership with Iran. The move capped a series of quiet diplomatic maneuvers that have complicated security equations in Central and South Asia. Even as Washington has been building military ties with India, which it sees as a natural ally and potential counter to China, New Delhi has been forging a close relationship with Iran, which President Bush has declared a part of the “axis of evil.”
On January 26, in the shadow of the then-looming Iraq war, Iranian President Mohammad Khatami was the guest of honor at India’s grand Republic Day parade. During the visit, the two nations signed a strategic cooperation agreement that set in place energy and military deals valued at more than $25 billion.
Jane’s Defense Weekly and Defense News reported that India and Iran signed a secret accord that gives India access to Iranian bases in the event of war with Pakistan. Both governments deny there is such a deal, but India is building a new port at Chahbahar, Iran, a project that is being closely watched by foreign powers.
In March, India and Iran conducted their first-ever joint naval exercises. Such close military cooperation between India and Iran is “unprecedented,” says Rahul Bedi, New Delhi-based correspondent for Jane’s Defense Weekly. India and Iran were on opposite sides during the Cold War, and later Iran’s fraternal ties with Islamic Pakistan compromised their relations. Iran is “focused on breaking out of the pincer” that the United States’ continuing trade embargo and its expanded military presence in the region have created, Bedi says. “Iran is keen to acquire new energy markets,” he adds. Militarily, it “is seeking to build up its missile and military software capabilities. It has also acquired four Russian Kilo-class submarines, and, like India, it also has some aging MiGs that need upgrading. Given the common equipment,
[the Iranians] are keen to have India support and train them.”
However, the deepest concern to the U.S. and Pakistani governments is the possibility of Indo-Iranian nuclear cooperation. India and Russia have a long history of nuclear cooperation, and Russia is the key player in Iran’s controversial bid to expand its German-built light water reactor at Bushehr. According to the CIA, Iran is also operating a heavy water plant at Arak and a uranium enrichment facility at Natanz.
In 1983, India helped Iran restart its nuclear program, and in 1988, New Delhi almost sold Iran a 10-megawatt nuclear reactor for its Ma’allem Kelayah facility near Qazvin on the Caspian Sea. When that deal fell through, the CIA reported that India helped Iran set up a manufacturing plant for phosphorus pentasulfide, a nerve gas precursor, at the same site. In 1996, the CIA also reported that India had provided Iran with technology that could be used to make biological weapons. When three Indian companies approached German suppliers to buy the equipment needed for the manufacture of Sarin and Tabun nerve agents, German intelligence traced the end-user to Iran.
Anthony H. Cordesman, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and author of the report Iran and Nuclear Weapons, writes that Tehran is seeking increased nuclear cooperation with India and other suppliers because the United States has nixed its nuclear cooperation with South Africa, Ukraine, Argentina, and China. Iran’s options were further squeezed when Russia supported the Bush administration’s call for intrusive inspections of Iran’s nuclear facilities.