Jam‑e‑Jam evaluated Iran’s achievements and the need to preserve them. Despite crushing economic pressure, Iran has managed to turn threats into strategic opportunities and build five strong pillars of active deterrence: Demonstrating and consolidating military power, full‑spectrum retaliatory capability, creating the groundwork for regional uprisings, and establishing Iran’s position as a globally influential power.

The shift in the balance of power shows that Iran is no longer a local actor but a decisive player in international affairs, without whose presence no security order in West Asia can be stable. The paper argues that Iran must act proactively in legal, diplomatic, media, and military arenas. Imposing costs on US interests in the region should become a continuous principle of deterrence. To secure these gains, the Islamic Republic must rewrite its diplomatic and defense doctrine, because pure defense against a state whose logic is that of a “madman” amounts to gradual retreat.

Sobh-e‑No: The war‑ending agreement is based on a step‑by‑step logic

Sobh-e‑No analyzed the step‑by‑step agreement between Iran and the United States. The paper argues that the arrangement is essentially a phased negotiation with conditional steps. In the first stage, Iran receives certain initial gains; only after the other side demonstrates a genuine commitment to diplomacy and fulfills its obligations will Iran move to the next stage and engage in nuclear talks. In practice, unless specific clauses of the agreement are implemented, negotiations will not enter the second phase. The logic governing the current talks is “step‑by‑step, action for action.” This structure allows Iran to respond immediately if the other side violates its commitments. However, America’s long record of non‑compliance and its hostile policies toward Iran have created a deep wall of distrust, making any final agreement difficult. Today, Iran’s strategic advantage lies in the unified triangle of the battlefield, diplomacy, and the people, which significantly raises the cost of any potential breach by the adversary.

Khorasan: Breathing space through an understanding?!

Khorasan examined the core function of the Iran–US understanding. According to the paper, the most important aspect is limiting the agenda of future negotiations to three issues: Iran’s peaceful nuclear program, lifting sanctions, and a mechanism for compensation. The experience of major powers shows that many agreements are not meant to end rivalry but to manage it. If the published text is taken as the basis, the primary function of this understanding is to create a strategic breathing space for both sides. During this period, Iran will have the opportunity to repair war damage, rebuild damaged infrastructure, strengthen its offensive and defensive capabilities, and address weaknesses exposed during the conflict. Naturally, the Americans will also use this pause to repair their regional setbacks. Therefore, this understanding should not be viewed merely as a ceasefire or de‑escalation. What is emerging is less the end of a conflict and more a temporary halt to redefine the next phase of the war.

Hamshahri: Trump’s anger after repeated failures

Hamshahri highlighted Donald Trump’s increasingly aggressive and irritable reactions to mainstream US media reports about the realities of the war against Iran. These reactions expose the widening gap between the White House’s narrative and the situation on the ground. Trump has repeatedly tried to discredit media reports about Washington’s failures in the recent conflict with Tehran. However, published reports indicate that the United States has failed to achieve its stated objectives regarding Iran, and public opposition in America to continuing the war is growing. Trump’s angry responses show that the exposure of these facts has become one of his most serious political challenges—one that intensifies as Washington’s claimed achievements come under greater scrutiny.

Sazandegi: Preserving Iran’s oil market share in China

Sazandegi discusses the pressure on Iran’s position in China’s oil market. One major factor is increased competition with Russian oil. After Western sanctions on Russia, large volumes of discounted Russian crude entered Asian markets, often undercutting Iranian prices. This has likely diverted part of China’s traditional demand for Iranian oil toward Russian supplies. Recent data shows that Iran’s oil exports to China have come under short‑term pressure due to reduced activity in Chinese refineries, rising fuel inventories, and competition from Russian oil. What is clear is that Iran’s main oil market is undergoing significant changes, and maintaining market share in China is now more dependent than ever on competitive conditions and geopolitical developments.